Everything about Honor Gabriel Riqueti Comte De Mirabeau totally explained
Honoré Gabriel Riqueti, Comte de Mirabeau (
March 9,
1749 –
April 2,
1791) was a
French writer, popular orator and statesman. During the
French Revolution, he was a moderate, favoring a
constitutional monarchy built on the model of
Great Britain. He unsuccessfully conducted secret negotiations with the French monarchy in an effort to reconcile it with the Revolution.
Family history
The family of Riqueti (sometimes spelled Riquet), originally of the small town of
Digne, became wealthy through
merchant trading in
Marseille. In 1570, Jean Riqueti bought the château and seigniory of Mirabeau, which had belonged to the great
Provençal family of
Barras. In 1685, Honoré Riqueti obtained the title
marquis de Mirabeau. He died in 1737.
His son, Jean Antoine, grandfather of Honoré Gabriel Riqueti, served with distinction through all the later campaigns of the reign of
Louis XIV. At the
Battle of Cassano (
1705), he suffered a neck wound so severe he thereafter had to wear a silver stock. Because he tended to be blunt and tactless, he never rose above the rank of colonel. On retiring from the service, he married Françoise de Castellane with whom he'd three sons: Victor (marquis de Mirabeau), Jean Antoine (bailli de Mirabeau) and Louis Alexandre (Comte de Mirabeau). Honoré Gabriel Riqueti, comte de Mirabeau was the son of Victor.
Early life
Honoré Mirabeau was born at
Le Bignon, near
Nemours, the eldest surviving son of the economist
Victor de Riqueti, marquis de Mirabeau and his wife Marie-Geneviève de Vassan. When he was three years old, a virulent attack of
smallpox left his face disfigured. This, combined with Mirabeau's resemblance to his maternal ancestors and his fondness for his mother, contributed to his father's dislike of him . Destined for the army, he was entered at military boarding school in
Paris. Of this school, which had
Joseph Louis Lagrange for its professor of mathematics, there's an amusing account in the life of
Gilbert Elliot who met Mirabeau there. On leaving school in
1767 he received a commission in a
cavalry regiment which his grandfather had commanded years before.
Mirabeau's love affairs are well-known, owing to the celebrity of the letters to "Sophie". In spite of his ugliness, he won the heart of the lady to whom his colonel was attached; this led to such scandal that his father obtained a
lettre de cachet, and Mirabeau was imprisoned in the
Ile de Ré. On being released, the young count obtained leave to accompany the French expedition to
Corsica as a volunteer. During the Corsican expedition, Mirabeau contracted several more gambling debts and engaged in another scandalous love affair. However, he proved his military genius in the Corsican expedition, and also conducted a thorough study of the island during his stay. The study was most likely very factually incorrect, but his desire to learn of a country that had been previously unstudied emphasizes Mirabeau’s endless curiosity and inquisitiveness, particularly into the traditions and customs of society. This aspect of Mirabeau’s personality contributed to his popular success in the later years of the Revolution. Later during his confinement, he wrote
Des Lettres de Cachet et des prisons d'état, published after his liberation (1782). It exhibits an accurate knowledge of French constitutional history skillfully applied in an attempt to show that the system of
lettres de cachet wasn't only philosophically unjust but also constitutionally illegal. It shows, though in a rather diffuse and declamatory form, the application of wide historical knowledge, keen philosophical perception, and genuine eloquence to a practical purpose which was the great characteristic of Mirabeau, both as a political thinker and as a statesman.
Before the French Revolution
His release from Vincennes (August 1782) began the second period of Mirabeau's life. Mirabeau not only succeeded in reversing the sentence of death against him but also got an order for M. de Monnier to pay the costs of the whole law proceedings. Upon his release, he found that his Sophie had consoled herself with a young officer, after whose death she'd committed
suicide. From Pontarlier he went to
Aix-en-Provence, where he claimed the court's order said that his wife should return to him. She naturally objected, and he finally lost the case in the third appeal of the case, when Emilie's father produced to the court compromising letters from Mirabeau addressed to the marquess. Mirabeau then intervened in the suit between his father and mother before the
parlement of Paris, and attacked the ruling powers so violently that he'd to leave France and return to
Holland, where he tried to live by writing.
About this time he met Mme de Nehra, the daughter of
Zwier van Haren, a Dutch statesman and political writer. She was an educated, refined woman, capable of appreciating Mirabeau's good points. His life was strengthened by the love of Mme de Nehra, his adopted son, Lucas de Montigny, and his little dog Chico. After a time in Holland he went to England, where his treatise on
lettres de cachet had been much admired, being translated into English in 1787, and where he was soon admitted into the best
Whig literary and political society of
London, through his old school friend
Gilbert Elliot, who had become a leading Whig member of parliament. Of all his English friends none seem to have been as close as
Lord Shelburne and Sir
Samuel Romilly. Romilly was introduced to Mirabeau by
Sir Francis D'Ivernois (1757-1842), and undertook the translation of Mirabeu's the
Considérations sur l'ordre de Cincinnatus into English.
It was the only important work Mirabeau wrote in the year
1785, and it's a good specimen of his method. He had read a pamphlet published in America attacking the proposed order, which sought to form a bond of association between the officers who had fought in the
American Revolutionary War against England; the arguments struck him as true and valuable, so he re-arranged them in his own fashion, and rewrote them in his own oratorical style.
He soon found such work didn't pay enough to keep his retinue, and sought employment from the French foreign office, either as a writer or a diplomat. He first sent Mme de Nehra to Paris to make peace with the authorities, and then returned himself, hoping to get a job through an old literary collaborateur of his, Durival, at this time director of finance at the department of foreign affairs. One of this official's functions was to subsidize political pamphleteers, and Mirabeau hoped to be so employed. However, he ruined his chances by a series of writings on financial questions.
On his return to Paris he'd become acquainted with
Étienne Clavière, the Genevese exile, and a banker named Panchaud. From them he learnt about the abuse of stock-jobbing, and seizing their ideas he began to regard
stock-jobbing, or
agiotage, as the source of all evil, and to attack in his usual vehement style the
Banque de St-Charles and the
Compagnie des Eaux. This pamphlet brought him into controversy with
Caron de Beaumarchais, who certainly didn't get the best of it, but it lost him any chance of employment with the government.
However, his ability was too great to be overlooked by the foreign minister,
Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes. After a preliminary trip to
Berlin at the beginning of
1786 he was despatched in July 1786 on a secret mission to the court of
Prussia, from which he returned in January 1787, and of which he gave a full account in his
Histoire secrete de la cour de Berlin (1789). The result, upon Mirabeau’s return, was his heightened fame with the Parisian populace at the cost of extreme embarrassment on part of the French government. In 1787, a public outcry ensued after Mirabeau published his observations of the Prussian court, entitled “The Secret History of the Court of Berlin, or Correspondence of a French Traveler”. This account denounced the Prussian court as scandalous and corrupt, described the King of Prussia as weak and over-emotional, and labeled Prince Henry of Prussia, brother of Frederick the Great and a guest of the French court, as narrow-minded and incompetent. Furthermore, Mirabeau cleverly classified the publication of the account as posthumous, suggesting that the book was published without the express consent or knowledge of the author. Therefore, Mirabeau appeared blameless and denied ever writing the account. After hastily apologizing to the Prussian government, Versailles censored the book. However, this caused even more people to read it, and ultimately increased Mirabeau’s fame. Mirabeau’s study of Prussian absolutism provided the impetus to write pamphlets upon his return to Paris that denounced the French monarchy as absolutist and despotic. The circulation of these pamphlets caused the revolutionaries to latch on to Mirabeau as a leader of the revolution and a carrier of democratic ideals that would lead eventually lead to a politically stable government. The months he spent in Berlin were significant in Prussian history, for while he was there
Frederick the Great died. The letters just mentioned show clearly what Mirabeau did and what he saw, and equally clearly how unfit he was to be a diplomat. He failed to conciliate the new king
Frederick William II, and thus ended Mirabeau's one attempt at diplomacy.
During his journey he'd made the acquaintance of
Jakob Mauvillon, an expert on Prussia; Mirabeau made use of his expertise in his
De la monarchie prussienne sous Frédéric le Grand (London, 1788). While this book gave him a good reputation as an historian, in the same year he lost a chance of political employment. He had offered himself as a candidate for secretary to the Assembly of Notables which the King
Louis XVI had just convened. To bring his name before the public, he published another financial work, the
Dénonciation de l'agiotage, which contained such violent diatribes that he not only lost his election but also was obliged to retire to
Tongeren. He further injured his prospects by publishing the reports he'd sent in during his secret mission at Berlin. But 1789 was at hand; the
Estates-General was summoned; Mirabeau's period of probation was over.
During the Revolution
On hearing of the king's decision to summon the
Estates-General, Mirabeau went to
Provence, and offered to assist at the preliminary conference of the nobility of his district, but was rejected. He appealed to the
Third Estate and was elected to the Estates in both
Aix and
Marseille. He chose to accept the seat for the former city, and was present at the opening of the Estates-General on
May 4,
1789. From this time the record of Mirabeau's life forms the best history of the first two years of the
National Constituent Assembly. At every important crisis his voice was heard, though his advice wasn't always followed. He possessed both logical acuteness and passionate enthusiasm. From the beginning he recognized that government exists in order for the population to pursue its daily work in peace, and that for a government to be successful it must be strong.
At the same time he thoroughly understood that for a government to be strong, it must be in harmony with the wishes of the majority of the people. He had studied the British system of government, and he hoped to establish in France a system similar in principle but without slavish imitation. In the first stage of the Estates-General, Mirabeau was very important. He was soon recognized as a leader, to the chagrin of
Jean Joseph Mounier, because he always knew his own mind, and was prompt in emergencies. He is attributed with the successful consolidation of the
National Assembly.
After the
storming of the Bastille, he warned the Assembly of the futility of passing fine-sounding decrees and urged the necessity of action. He declared that the night of
August 4 was but an orgy, giving the people immense theoretical liberty while not assisting them to practical freedom, overthrowing the old régime before a new one could be constituted. His failure to control the theorizers showed Mirabeau, after the removal of the king and the Assembly to Paris, that his eloquence wouldn't enable him to guide the Assembly by himself, and that he must get additional support. He wished to establish a strong ministry, which should be responsible like an English ministry, but to an assembly chosen to represent the people of France better than the
British House of Commons at that time represented Great Britain.
He first thought of becoming a minister at a very early date, if we may believe a story contained in the
Mémoires of the duchesse d'Abrantes, to the effect that in May 1789 Queen
Marie Antoinette tried to bribe him, but that he refused this and expressed his wish to be a minister. The indignation with which the queen repelled the idea may have made him think of the
Duke of Orléans as a possible constitutional king, because his title would of necessity be parliamentary. But the weakness of the Duke of Orléans was too palpable, and in a famous remark Mirabeau expressed his utter contempt for him. He also attempted to form an alliance with
Lafayette, but the two couldn't agree on a personal level, and Lafayette had his own theories about a new French constitution. Mirabeau tried for a time to act with
Necker, and obtained the sanction of the Assembly to Necker's financial scheme, not because it was good, but because, as he said, "no other plan was before them, and something must be done."
The
Comte de la Marck was a close friend of the queen, and had been elected a member of the Estates-General. His acquaintance with Mirabeau, begun in 1788, ripened during the following year into a friendship, which La Marck hoped to turn to the advantage of the court. After
the march on Versailles he consulted Mirabeau as to what measures the king ought to take, and Mirabeau, delighted at the opportunity, drew up an admirable state paper, which was presented to the king by Monsieur, afterwards
Louis XVIII.
This Mémoire gives insight into Mirabeau's genius for politics: The main position was that the king isn't free in Paris; he must therefore leave Paris towards the interior of France to a provincial capital, best of all to
Rouen, and there he must appeal to the people and summon a great convention. It would be ruin to appeal to the nobility, as the queen advised. When this great convention met the king must show himself ready to recognize that great changes have taken place, that
feudalism and
absolutism have for ever disappeared, and that a new relationship between king and people has arisen, which must be loyally observed on both sides for the future. To establish this new constitutional position between king and people wouldn't be difficult, because the indivisibility of the monarch and his people is anchored in the heart of the French people.
This was Mirabeau's programme, from which he never diverged, but which was far too statesmanlike to be understood by the king, and far too positive regarding the altered condition of the monarchy to be palatable to the queen. Mirabeau followed up his
Mémoire by a scheme of a great ministry to contain all men of mark; Necker as prime minister, "to render him as powerless as he's incapable, and yet preserve his popularity for the king", the duc de Liancourt, the
Duc de la Rochefoucauld, La Marck,
Talleyrand,
Bishop of Autun, Mirabeau without portfolio,
Target, mayor of Paris, Lafayette generalissimo of the army, Louis Philippe, comte de Ségur as foreign minister, Mounier and
le Chapelier.
This scheme got noised abroad, and was ruined by a decree of the Assembly of
November 7,
1789, that no member of the Assembly could become a minister; this decree destroyed any chance of harmony between ministers and parliament which existed in England, and so at once overthrew Mirabeau's hopes. The queen utterly refused to take Mirabeau's counsel, and La Marck left Paris. However, in April 1790 he was suddenly recalled by the
comte de Mercy-Argenteau, the
Austrian
ambassador to Paris and the queen's most trusted political adviser. From this time to Mirabeau's death he became the bearer of almost daily communications between Mirabeau and the queen. Mirabeau at first attempted to make an alliance with Lafayette, but it was useless, for Lafayette wasn't a strong man himself. From May 1790 to his death in April 1791 Mirabeau remained in close connection with the court, and drew up many state papers for it. In return the court paid his debts; but it ought never to be said that he was bribed, for the court's gold never made him swerve from his political principles; never, for instance, was he a royalist. He regarded himself as a minister, though an unavowed one, and believed himself worthy of his hire.
Mirabeau focused his efforts on two main issues: changing the ministry and dealing with impending civil war. His attempts to form political alliances with Lafayette and Necker failed and resulted in open hostility. Necker disappeared from the French court and no longer posed a threat. Lafayete, however, was very powerful due to the fact that he held a monopoly on the military and the national guard. At first, Mirabeau attempted to undermine Lafayette’s power, but decided to solve the problem of the ministry, and maintain stability, by removing all ministers and placing the ministry entirely under Lafayette. In effect, Mirabeau suggested that the king distance himself from politics and let the revolution run its course, because it would inevitably destroy itself through its contradictory nature. Furthermore, Mirabeau proposed that, if his plan should fail, Paris should no longer be the capital of France, showing a conservative line of thinking: the only way to end the revolution would be to destroy its place of birth. Mirabeau’s prospects with the crown were good until 1790, when the Chatelet presented to the National Assemby that the incitors of the October days were the duc d’Orleans and Mirabeau himself. The charges were later removed, but for Mirabeau, the accusation had brought the realization that his strategy of working closely with both the Assembly and the court was beginning to backfire. In a later meeting with the king and queen, Mirabeau maintained that not only was civil war inevitable, it was necessary for the survival of the monarchy. Mirabeau maintained the belief that the decision to go to war, even civil war, should come only from the king. In a letter of confidence to Mirabeau, Louis wrote that as a Christian king, he couldn't declare war on his subjects. However, that wouldn’t stop him from reciprocating if his subjects declared war first. In order to avoid provoking a civil war, the king refrained from confronting the Constituent Assembly, and waited instead for a constitution that he could submit to. Once the civil constitution of the clergy destroyed this hope, Louis adopted a strategy of strengthening royal authority and the church’s position, and accepted the use of force, through civil war, to accomplish this. Mirabeau's involvement with the court is interesting for the insights it provides into the mind of Louis XIV as it's for the effects it produced in the Revolution.
On the question of the veto he took a practical view, and seeing that the royal power was already sufficiently weakened, declared for the king's absolute veto and against the suspensive veto. He knew from his British experience that such a veto would be rarely used unless the king felt the people were on his side, and that if it were used unjustifiably the power of the purse possessed by the representatives of the people would bring about a
bloodless revolution, as in England in 1688. He saw that much of the Assembly's inefficiency arose from the members' inexperience and their incurable verbosity; so, to establish some system of rules, he got his friend Romilly to draw up a detailed account of the rules and customs of the British House of Commons, which he translated into French, but which the Assembly, puffed up by a belief in its own merits, refused to use. On the subject of peace and war he supported the king's authority, with some success. Again Mirabeau almost alone of the Assembly held that the soldier ceased to be a citizen when he became a soldier; he must submit to the deprivation of his liberty to think and act, and must recognize that a soldier's first duty is obedience. With such sentiments, it's no wonder that he approved of the vigorous conduct of the
marquis de Bouillé at
Nancy, which was to his credit as Bouillé was opposed to him. Lastly, in matters of finance he showed his wisdom: he attacked Necker's "caisse d'escompte," which was to have the whole control of the taxes, as absorbing the Assembly's power of the purse; and he heartily approved of the system of
assignats, but with the reservation that the issue should be limited to no more than one-half the value of the lands to be sold.
In foreign affairs, he held that the French people should conduct their Revolution as they would, and that no foreign nation had any right to interfere with the country's internal affairs. But he knew that neighbouring nations were disturbed by the progress of the Revolution and feared its influence on their own peoples; and that foreign monarchs were being importuned by French emigres to interfere on behalf of the French monarchy. To prevent this interference, or rather to give no pretext for it, was his guiding principle in foreign policy. He was elected a member of the
comité diplomatique of the Assembly in July 1790, and in this capacity he was able to prevent the Assembly from doing much harm in regard to foreign affairs. He had long known
Armand Marc, comte de Montmorin, the foreign secretary, and, as matters became more strained, he entered into daily communication with the minister, advising him on every point, and, while dictating his policy, defended it in the Assembly. Mirabeau's exertions in this respect show him as a statesman; and his influence is best shown by the confusion in this department after his death.
Death
Mirabeau's health had been damaged by the excesses of his youth and his strenuous work in politics, and in 1791, he contracted pericarditis. By this time, it's evident that the King had lost all confidence in his former advisor, and Mirabeau’s plans never took effect. Although he'd been only recently elected president of the
National Assembly, despite the continuous medical attention paid to him by his friend and physician,
Cabanis, Mirabeau would survive to perform his duties until his death on
2 April 1791. As he lay on his death bed, weak and unable to speak, Mirabeau's last action before passing was to write one word: "dormir" (to sleep). During the king’s trial, Mirabeau’s dealings with the royal court were brought to light, and he was largely discredited by the public after it became known that he'd secretly acted as an intermediary between the monarchy and the revolution and had taken payment for it.
He received a grand burial, and it was for him that
The Panthéon in
Paris was created as a burial place for great Frenchmen. In
1792, his secret dealings with the king were uncovered, and his remains were removed from the Pantheon in
1794.
At the time of his death, Mirabeau greatly feared for the future of any constitutional Monarchy in France, as he recognised that many powerful and radically inclined interests wouldn't give such arrangements their support.
Collaborators
His first literary work, except the bombastic but eloquent
Essai sur le despotisme (Neufchâtel, 1775), was a translation of Robert Watson's
Philip II, done in Holland with the help of Durival; his
Considerations sur l'ordre de Cincinnatus (London, 1788) was based on a pamphlet by
Aedanus Burke (1743-1802), of
South Carolina, who opposed the aristocratic tendencies of the Society of the Cincinnati, and the notes to it were by Target; his financial writings were suggested by the Genevese exile,
Clavière.
During the Revolution he received yet more help; men were proud to labour for him, and didn't murmur because he absorbed all the credit and fame. Étienne Dumont, Clavière, Antoine Adrien Lamourette and Étienne Salonion Reybaz were but a few of the most distinguished of his collaborators. Dumont was a Genevese exile, and an old friend of Romilly's, who willingly prepared for him those famous addresses which Mirabeau used to make the Assembly, pass by sudden bursts of eloquent declamation; Clavière helped him in finance and not only worked out his figures but also even wrote his financial discourses; Lamourette wrote the speeches, on the
Civil Constitution of the Clergy; Reybaz not only wrote for him his famous speeches on the assignats, the organization of the national guard, and others, which Mirabeau read word for word at the tribune, but also even the posthumous speech on succession to the estates of intestates, which Talleyrand read in the Assembly as the last work of his dead friend.
As an orator his eloquence has been likened to that of both
Bossuet and Vergniaud, but it had neither the polish of the old 17th century bishop nor the flashes of genius of the young Girondin. It was rather parliamentary oratory in which he excelled, and his true compeers are
Edmund Burke and
Charles James Fox rather than any French speakers. Personally he'd that which is the truest mark of nobility of mind, a power of attracting love and winning faithful friends- quote by Thomas Carlyle.
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